Mehmet Özay 04.12.2018
Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, the prime
minister of Malaysia, stated that “there is a need for the U.S. President
Donald Trump to be consistent, including over policy matters on Asia.”
The relationship between the U.S. and
Southeast Asian Association of Nations (ASEAN) is crucially interconnected
within mutual interests. However, the Trump administration has failed to meet
the expected sustainable and consultable ASEAN policies.
The U.S. government’s majorly
contributive move towards supporting ASEAN perspectives is based on two
distinct policies, which involve security and economic policies as observed in
territorial disputes in the South China Sea and the formation of the Trans Pacific
Partnership Agreement (TPPA) during the Obama era. Hence, the Trump
administration has contradicted the U.S.’s existing role for being inconsistent
by encouraging irrelevant narratives due to certain fundamental principles.
On the other hand, how ASEAN member
states perceive the above-mentioned approach gives some insights about the
current relationship. For instance, known as a robust character and strong
statesman, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, the prime minister of Malaysia, stated that
“there is a need for the U.S. President Donald Trump to be consistent,
including over policy matters on Asia.”
Among the member states, countries such
as Singapore, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Indonesia have comparatively felt
disaffected more than other by countries by the changing characteristics and
uncertainties of U.S. policy. This is quite understandable when considering the
divisions between member states and their relationships with the U.S. and
China.
During the Obama era, the U.S. was
leading its relationship with ASEAN in a determined policy known as a ‘pivot to
Asia.’ This policy aimed at re-structuring security and economic policies by
supporting each other, while preferring mainly the advancement of economic
relationships. Obama himself engaged significantly with member states with his
official state visits, and he also attended ASEAN summits as well.
In contrast to Obama, Trump’s ASEAN
policy is surrounded on narratives of his ‘America first’ agenda and
protectionism as a mainstream policy. In fact, no surprise should come out of
this contradiction considering his administration had delivered initial signals
on how he would construct, in essential, trade-based relations with ASEAN
before his presidential victory in 2016.
There is no doubt that, at least in
certain terms, Trump’s policy of U.S.-economy victimization is labeled as a
deconstruction process flapped out of a well-established relationship during
the Obama era. Indeed, Trump called for punishment to be applied to certain
countries including some member states of ASEAN, which are responsible for
contributing to the trade deficit that put the U.S. at a disadvantage.
In this regard, Trump’s absence on the
33rd ASEAN Summit held in Singapore on 11-15 November meant an isolation from
exchanging ASEAN interest where leaders of major regional and global powers
such as Japan, South Korea, Russia, Australia, New Zealand, India, and China
took part.
Although U.S. Vice-President Mike Pence
represented the U.S. government, his discourse and statements during the
meetings with various leaders were far from rebuilding a constructive
relationship with ASEAN.
Pence re-iterated the importance of U.S.
security policy of the Asia-Pacific region, while stressing that “empire and
aggression have no place in the Indo-Pacific.” With this obviously Pence was
referring to China and North Korea and security issues related to the South
China Sea and North Korea nuclear issue, which are still considered as
potential threats to the interest of the U.S. and its allies in the
Asia-Pacific region.
As is known, the U.S. has a special
approbation to the free access of the sea ways, which connects regional allies
bound to energy sources in the Middle East and global commercial activities
connecting the Indian Ocean and the Pacific region.
As seen in the above-mentioned statement
of Pence, the U.S. has deprived from a multiple approach in its engagement with
ASEAN. And no doubt that Pence clearly did not cater the expectations of ASEAN
in the context of improvement of the economic relationship, which in fact was
considered extremely essential during the current global economic recession.
Due to these uncertainties, ASEAN
leaders do not have any predictable hope of boosting the relationship with the
U.S., in particular, pertaining to engagement and improvement in trade and
investment opportunities the region offers.
Though the U.S. administration merely
focuses on security issues, it is too difficult to gain the upper hand in competition
with China without cementing economic relationships and gaining engagement with
and popular support of ASEAN people.
ASEAN has already acquired the position
of being a strong global economic power house in terms of sustainable economic
development, direct foreign investment, and increasing trade by applying
liberal economic policies.
In addition, ASEAN has been
re-structuring economic connectivity among the member states and strategic
partners on the basis of bilateral treaties for further advancement since the
establishment of ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) commencing from the end of
2015.
It is quite clear that the U.S. under
Trump’s presidency does not have any significant tendency for a combination of
multiple policies with ASEAN, even after the mid-term elections, which resulted
in the Democratic upper-hand in Congress. The upcoming few years of Trump’s
administration will be tested as to whether it will re-evaluate its
relationship with ASEAN or not.
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