12 Mart 2012 Pazartesi

The Relationships Between The Sultanate of Aceh and The Ottoman State


By: Dr. Mehmet Ozay


This paper is a summary of the main text prepared to present for the seminar titled “Hubungan Deplomatik Antara Kerajaan Aceh dengan Turki” and held by The Center For Research and Study of Islamic Culture (Pusat Penelitian Dan Pengkajian Kebudayaan Islam) (P3KI) at IAIN Ar-Raniri in Banda Aceh, on 18th August, 2007.
  
          I. Introduction
 
The aim of this paper is to examine the relationships between Aceh-Ottoman which were significant Islamic states one in the far-east and the other in the west of Islamic world in the 16th century. “In the beginning of the sixteenth century the Indian Ocean witnessed the course of events which greatly affected the economies of the Mediterrenean as well as the Ottoman and Arab countries.”[1] We should add that not only the heartland but also the periphery in the far-east of the Islamic world, the Sultanate of Aceh, as well affected by this development. 
The researches have been conducted by scholars until today give us some ideas about the content of the relationships, but it cannot be said that all aspects of this relationship have been uncovered.
For this aim, I would like to raise some questions below. Why have Turks been so much important in the social conciense of Acehnese as it is seen in oral tradition and some legendary works? Why did the Aceh Darussalam Sultanate (ADS) choose Ottoman not the other power around Asia or Middle East, let’s say ‘Safavid Sultanate’? Did the ADS requested just military aid from Ottoman against classical colonialist* ? An how did the Ottoman State respond this demand? Was this relationships limited by military help? How did Turks from different social sectors come to Aceh? etc.
As a fact, I should say that Ottoman historiography has not been uncovered yet. Beyond discovering this historiography, all data will be needed to be commented and analyzed. To understand the relationships between Aceh-Ottoman, all the related records in some countries, such as Aceh, Portuguese, Yemen, India, Iran, Dutch should be collected. I believe that after all data has been collected a new understanding can occur about this topic. Because of this reason, not only historians but also some other social scientists need to cooperate, do comparative and interdiscipliner studies.
For this paper I used primary sources such as the Ottoman archieve and some articles written during Ottoman era, and secondary sources which belong to the modern era. If I need to mention, the important ones are “Bir Osmanlı Filosu’nun Sumatra Seferi” (Saffet Bey), “Tarih-i Açe” (Mehmed Ziya). In relation to the Dutch War in Aceh, the journal ‘Basiret’ published many news between 1873 and 1874[2]. There are about 75 news and critics about this event in Basiret.
Beyond these, I should mention the names of some distinguished modern Turkish scholars who have countributed to the uncovering of Ottoman influence in the Indian Ocean: Salih Özbaran (1978, 1985, 1993), Cengiz Orhonlu (2002), Rızaulhak Şah (1967), Ahmet Asrar (1972), Halil İnalcık (2000, Turgut Işıksal (1969), Şehabeddin Cansever (1969) Yılmaz Öztuna (1983), Cezmi Eraslan (1992), İsmail Hakkı Göksoy[3] (1994; 2004).
The sources which have been used by the academicians and researches mentioned above are taken mainly from Başbakanlık (Turkish State) Archieves. Especially Salih Özbaran could also reach some Portuegese sources to support the data found in the Ottoman archieve.
The main sources in relation to the Aceh-Turkish Relationships are in the Turkish State Archieves (Mühimme Defterleri: Important Books) in Istanbul. But the data in Mühimme dates back until the half of the 16th century. Beyond this it is not possible to reach the data between the years 1554-1559, and 1561-1564. It seems that some more documents were not recorded or lost in the Ottoman archieves. But the periods mentioned above look like important to uncover some facts about the relationships. Because during this era, trade relationships between Ottoman and the Indian Ocean reached its highest level. Regarding the importance of the relationships between Aceh-Ottoman relationships, we unfortunately see that the documentation of Aceh-Ottoman in the Ottoman archieves is not satisfying.[4]
The relationships cannot be based on just a request from the Sultanate of Aceh and responded by Ottoman sending military aid. But these contacts between two states  should be taken into consideration as an interesting phase of cooperation of Islamic world and civilization. For this reason, I want to involve in this paper not only political and military, but also religious, cultural and economic aspects of the relationships. According to Amirul Hadi, Aceh in the 16th century was developing in four aspects: military, politics, economic development and intellectual life.[5] At that time Ottoman Turks reached the highest level of Turco-Islamic civilization and experienced big improvements in every aspect of civilization: politically it had sovereignty in three continents -including Europe, northern Africa and Asia –and important sea ways -including The Mediterrenean Sea, The Hurmuz Strait, Hijaz; militarily it overcame the western powers in Balkanian area until central Europe, and the Mediterrenean Sea; economically it prospered well by controlling the significant trade ways; it introduced Islamic civilization to the peoples and implementing its sovereignty all in these lands and it became the center of science and culture of the Islamic world.
This success of the Turks in this age is not a surprising one, adversely, it should be seen as a continuation of the previous centuries. For instance, the Turks started to serve to Islam in Abbasi Caliphs in Baghdad as mercenary and volunteer Turkish soldiers who became in the 9th century a powerful political force.[6]

2. Four Aspects of the Relationships
The contacts between the states can be seen as uniting efforts of the elements of the same civilization. For this reason I would like to express my idea regarding this relationship not only diplomatic and military but also but economic and especially religious and cultural aspects. I would mention just some crucial points in each aspect below.

2. 1. Diplomacy between two states
As the first step of the diplomatic relation between two states it is important to take part into consideration of the intention of the first sultan of the Aceh Darussalam Sultanate, Ali Mughayat Shah. We can get the idea of building up bridges with Turks from the foreign politics of Ali Mughayat Syah. He determined the basic international politics of the sultanate. He mentioned to establish relationships with Turks as one of the principals of foreign policy of the sultanate. [7]
          As a political and theological matter it is crucial to mention the Safavi State. As the propagator of the radical syiah ideology the Safavids in Iran should be mentioned in relation to the relationships between the Sultanate of Aceh and Ottoman. Since it started to implement its policy around Middle East and especially among the Turkmens in Anatolia, the Ottoman central administration was weakened. This was seen at that time, the most serious peril facing the state since Timur’s invasion.[8] The Safavid Dynasty stimulated solidarity of Sunni world, between the Sultanate of Aceh and the Ottoman State. In this case, it is supposed to be the reason of Aceh Sultanate, in 16 century, to recognize Ottoman Dynasty as caliphs and protector against Portuguese eventhough the distance between Aceh and Persia was closer than Ottoman Dynasti.[9]
          During Suleyman The Magnificient (Lawgiver), in 1547 an Aceh envoy visited İstanbul. But there is no any official document in İstanbul. Alaaddin from the Indian rulers must be the Acehnese sultan Alaaddin Riayat Shah al-Kahhar. This event was mentioned by autentic Ottoman croniclers and Von Hammer during the coming of a Christian envoy’s in İstanbul, there was an envoy from one of the Indian rulers.[10]
Von Hammer also mentions another Aceh envoy to İstanbul, dated 12th June 1562, according to a report of Venetian ambassador in İstanbul.[11] This visit highly possible to have been realized since it is not possible to reach the data in official Ottoman documents between the years 1554-1559, and 1561-1564.[12] Even the date of the letter thougt to have been sent by Al-Kahhar was 1562. Hammer’s information is confirmed by the Portuguese sources as a completing one. According to this source, Aceh sent envoys to İstanbul in 1563 to ask for assistance against Portuguese. By symbolical support Aceh attacked 1568, 1573 and 1575 to Malaca.[13] After this, the envoy sent by the Ottoman sultan reached Aceh in 1565.[14]
          The previous diplomatic relations is supported and confirmed by a well known letter from Al-Kahhar to Sultan the Magnificient. This letter was discovered by Rızaulhak Shah in Ottoman Palace Archieve under the file titled India. It was dated 7th January 1566. Al-Kahhar mentions in this letter about the Acehnese ambassadors’ names are called Umar and Hüseyin, the name of the Ottomans ambassador to Aceh is Lutfi, 1564-65. We can also read some important aspect of this relationships  which is still remembered by Acehnese ‘Lada Secupak’. Al-Kahhar informed that “The cannoneers came here and theri place near us is very high…”.[15]
          As an evidence of diplomatic relations the banner sent by Ottoman Sultan is very significant. According to ‘Tarih-i Açi’, written by Mehmed Ziya, Süleyman the Magnificient sent a fleet and an Ottoman banner to Aceh sultan.[16]
          Sultan Selim II, after welcoming the Acehnese envoy, immediately ordered an ambassador, named Mustafa Çavuş, to go to Aceh. Sultan Selim states in his letter to Aceh sultan, that to accept this request is a religious and traditional duty of the Ottoman Sultans.[17] It is very important mentioned not only religious but also traditional. It means Ottoman helped much when anyone or any nation/state needed help during his era. For instance, to France, to Protestants and the Jewish in Spain. Even the sultan ordered a navy to be prepared, because of Yemen riot during this period this voyage could not be realized. Some two letters were exchanged by two states. In his second letter, Sultan Selim II mentioned that he had to deal with the case of not only Yeman, but also Cyprus and Tunisia. During this long process, it seems that Ottoman could send just two ships with personnel, and artillery, especially in 1568-69.[18]
         
          2.2. Military Aid

16th Century
Beyond organized activities, some Turkish seamen were sailing from the Red Sea shores and Indian seaports to the other geographies in South East Asia. This personal initiatives of Turkish seamen in Turkish history is known as GAZA. For instance Rumi Mustafa Topçu entered in the service of Indian Mughul empire during the first years of 16th century. The other important example can be taken from the campaign of Selman Reis. When he arrived Basra and made war with Portuguese he needed to leave the area. He left some ships in his fleet and soldiers to the sultan of Gucerat. He turned back with some fifty soldiers by using a long land way to Anatolia. [19]
          Related to Gaza tradition, early military contribution to Aceh was highly possible on an individual basis. During the Batak War around 1539, during the period of Al-Kahhar, some hundreds of Turkish soldiers took part in this war. Al-Kahhar extended Aceh’s army forces. The richness of Aceh enabled him to hire trained soldiers from abroad. So Aceh’s army contained large contingents of Turkish.[20] It is presumed that some of the soldiers of Hadım Süleyman Pahsa, who set off Diu in 1538, could have gone as far as Aceh. During the Dutch War, it seems that some Turkish soldiers and cannoners could go to Aceh individually.[21] We can regard this initiative of individual Turkish soldiers as a gaza tradition.
          The war against Portuguese in 1547 there were some qualified Turkish soldiers in the Aceh army. It is mentioned that this group of soldier as a responce of Ottoman to Aceh envoys in İstanbul.[22]
          During Sultan Selim II, even less number of soldiers and war equipment might have been sent to Aceh. The supportive idea for this military aid can be seen in the history of Gampung Bitai. The first and the biggest military academy was founded by Ottoman military experts and they taught not only Acehnese men but also women, like Malahayati, who became later the admiral of Aceh navy forces.[23]
          Aceh military structure was established as similar as Turkish military structure. This is understandable, since many military experts came from Turkey to Aceh in 16th century.[24]

          19th Century
          After a long silent period, starting from the first years of the second part of the 19th century, Aceh envoys visited three times Istanbul. During this period, the main mediator between Istanbul and Aceh envoys were the Ottoman authorities in Hijaz and Yeman governors. In the second part of the 19th century, three times, -1851, 1868 and 1872- the Sultanate of Aceh during the time of Sultan Ibrahim Mansur Shah and Sultan Mahmud Shah sent envoys to İstanbul to renew the old relations and seek the protection as a vasal country to be saved from the Dutch invasion.[25] Although the envoys presented all details of the conditions in Aceh to the sovereigns of the Ottoman State, nothing happened to revive the relations. And these efforts ended in failure and Aceh envoys turned back with empty hands. We can see some facts behinds this development. For instance, because of the decisions of some statesmen who did not give positive response to the petitions of the Aceh envoys and the pressure of international circles especially the ambassador of Dutch in Istanbul these visits did not bring to a successful end. But when we look at the history from now, undoubtly it seems that the wrong decisions taken by the Ottoman bureaucrats in Istanbul prepared the end of two states after some decades.
During the visit of Abdurrahman Zahir Efendi to İstanbul, contrary to the Ottoman bureaucrats uncouraged decisions, as we saw the journal ‘Basiret’, some media gave much importance to the Aceh case and published articles with strong ideas that the Ottoman State should give its support to the Acehnese. Beyond this, the journal called ‘Servet[26] gave places some photos in relation to the social life in Aceh to create sensitivity to the Aceh case in the Ottoman society.
In relation to the Dutch War in Aceh in the second half of 19th century the journal ‘Basiret’ puslished many news between 1873 and 1874[27]. There are about 75 news and critics about this event in Basiret.

          2.3. Contacts In the field of Economy
          One of the earliest data about the Turkish traders comes from Tome Pires. He mentions Turkish trading activities in North Sumatra, Pasai in 1511 at the very beginning of 16th century. He mentions the name Rumi, Turks, Turkomans. It is higly possible to guess from the word ‘Turkomans’ that Turks from Central Asia also took part in this trading activities. [28]
          During Iskandar Muda, Turkish traders from İstanbul could visit Aceh.[29]

          2.4. Cultural and Religious Influences

Beyond the diplomatic and military relations, cultural and religious ones seem much more important and have not yet been discovered wholely. According to researches, the ancestors of Dayah Tanoh Abee, el-firus el-bağdadi, one of the important religious school in Aceh, came from Bagdat which was at that time in the border of Ottoman State. The other disginguished figures are Baba Davud and Teungku Di Bitai. Baba Davud was one of the leading students of Syaikh Abdurrauf es-Singkili. Tunku di Bitay, who came from Jerusalem (Kudüs), lived in the well known Turkish village, Gampung Bitai or Baitul Mukaddis.

Dayah Tanoh Abee
          The founder of the Dayah, Firus el-Bağdadi, migrated from Bagdad in 1627 with other six ulama to Aceh. He settled near the Banda Aceh with his three brothers and tried to taught students in the Dayah. During this period Acheh Darussalam Sultanate was governed by Sultan İskandar Muda (1607-1636). Muda gave importance both to build up the relationships with other Islamic countries, especially in the Middle East, in the context of economic and military relations and make a progress in the development of the religious sciences during his governance. For that reason, he supported ulama to come to Acheh, visit other Islamic regions, write about different topics such as Islamic law, etc. and apply Islamic rules in his sultanate.
Dayah Tanoh Abee has been a leading center of some distinctive sufi orders such as Naqshbandiyya and Shattariyya. Beyond this, invaluable manuscripts in the library of this Dayah gives a distinguished importance to it in South East Asia. After many students coming from both local and other regions around Sumatra Island studied in the religious school Dayah Tanoh Abee, the students visited various parts of the South East Asia to proselytize native people to Islam by founding their own religious schools. In its long process, nearly four hundred years, the dayah is traditonally to have become distinctively known as one of the significant religious teaching centers in South East Asia.[30]        
Baba Davud
The full name of Baba Davud, one of the students of Syiah Abdurrauf es-Singkili, is Davud bin Ağa İsmail bin Ağa Mustafa el Cavi er-Rumi.* Rumi is well known in this region and used for people who came from Anatolia. According to historical writings there were some more individuals came from and they were called by local people as Rumi.[31]

Turkish Settlements: Emperoum and Bitai
Some different sources mention Ottoman Turks in Aceh. Saffet Bey admits in his article that some artizans from Syria which belonged to the Ottoman State at that time were settled in a gampung near the palace. Because of their home town in Syria, this gampung was called Gampung Baitul Makdis. In time the name was converted as Gampung Bitai. There is still a cemetery in Gampung Bitai including the graveyard of Teungku Di Bitay from Syria.[32] Denys Lombard also mentions a group of Turkish people including artizans, military experts existed in Aceh at the beginning of the 17th century. This group of people named as Rumi or Turki and were in the service of the palace.[33]

In Gampung Bitai, there were two graveyard complexes. There was the graveyard of Sultan Alaaddin Riayat Syiah, the son of Sultan Alaaddir Riayat Şah al-Kahhar (1539-1571). There was a military academy in Bitai in the place of current graveyard. The scholars of this academy came from Turkey. Besides Bitai, there was another one village, called Emperioum, which means Turkish sultanate. It is said that in this group there were 300 military experts came to Aceh during Sultan Suleyman I (926-974/1520-1566).[34] 

Ibni Batuta mentions the similarity of the state traditions between Samudra-Pasai sultanate and Turkish Delhi Sultanate, in India.
           
       The adoption of Turkish Memluki Sultans’ names, such as Malik es-Saleh, Malik el-Zahir by names of sultans of Samudra-Pasai sultans. Beyond this we should mention some other great turkish sultans’ names such as Malik Shah (d. 1092), the sultan of the Great Seljuk State.

Ahmet Kasturi
Ahmet Kasturi, one of the religious scholars from 14th century is mentioned that he came from Turkey. His grave is in the quarter of ACC center, in Darussalam. Even though we do not have any much information about him, it is well known that some more religious scholars and sufis came to South East Asia aroud and after 13th century. Islamic influences had reached Melayu and small ocean in India where at that time it was under the rule of Mogul-Turkey. Syeich and Sufi experts became the first energy of Tariqat formation.[35]

       Çelebi Ahmet ve Çelebi Rıdvan
       Two ‘çelebi’ from İstanbul came to Aceh to find traditional medicine for the illness of the Ottoman Sultan, Ahmet I (1603-1617). Muda was in the Deli campaign during this period. After ending the campaign Muda came and met the envoy in his palace and he welcomed them. When this envoy turned back to Turkey, they informed much about the condition in Aceh, how the sultan of Aceh proselytized Islam, was a protector of Muslims in the region and improved the cultural and intellectual life in Aceh. [36]


[1]Özbaran, Salih, “A Review of Portuguese and Turkish Sources For The Ottomans In Arabia and The Indian Ocean In The 16th Century”, TTK Belleten, No.. 193, Vol. XLIX, April, 1985, p. 65.
*I use here the concept of “classical colonialist”, since there have been some more post-modern colonial efforts in the global world for a while.
[2]The dates between 3 Muharrem 1290 and 21 Rabiulakhir 1291 H.
[3]Prof. Dr. İsmail Hakkı Göksoy was one of the participants of the First International Conference On Aceh from Turkey in February, 2007, in Banda Aceh.
[4]Özbaran, Salih, “A Review of Portuguese and Turkish Sources For The Ottomans In Arabia and The Indian Ocean In The 16th Century”, TTK Belleten, No.. 193, Vol. XLIX, April, 1985, p. 74, 76.  
[5]Hadi, Amirul, Islam and State In Sumatra -A Study of Seventeenth Century Aceh-, Brill, 2004, p. 21. 
[6]Stripling, W. Frederick, The Ottoman Turks and The Arabs -1511-1574, Porcupine Pres, Philadelphia, 1977, p. 5.
[7]Hasjmy, Ali, “Banda Aceh Darussalam Pusat Kegiatan Ilmu Dan Kebudayaan”, Seminar Sejarah Masuk Dan Berkembangnya Islam Di Aceh Dan Nusantara, Aceh Timur, 25-30 September 1980, s. 5.
[8]Bacque-Grammont, Jean Louis, “The Eastern Policy of Süleyman the Magnificient -1520-1533”,in Halil İnalcık and Cemal Kafadar, Süleyman The Second And His Time, The Isıs Pres, İstanbul, 1993, p. 219.
[9]Azra, Azyumardi, Islam Reformis Dinamika Intelektual Dan Gerakan, p. 138.
[10]B. J. Von Hammer, Büyük Osmanlı Tarihi, p. 368.
[11]Göksoy, İ. Hakkı, Güneydoğu Asya’da Osmanlı-Türk Tesirleri, Fakülte Yayınları, Isparta, 2004, p. 38.
[12]Özbaran, Salih, “A Review of Portuguese and Turkish Sources For The Ottomans In Arabia and The Indian Ocean In The 16th Century”, TTK Belleten, No. 193, Vol. XLIX, April, 1985, p. 74.
[13]Tjandrasasmita, Uka, “The Indonesian Harbour Cities and the Coming of the Portuguese”, Ed.: Ivo Carneiro de Sousa, Richard Z. Leirissa, Indonesia-Portugal: Five Hundred Years of Historical Relationship, CEPESA, p. 60.
[14]Göksoy, İ. Hakkı, Güneydoğu Asya’da Osmanlı-Türk Tesirleri, Fakülte Yayınları, Isparta, 2004, p. 40.
[15]Rızaulhak Şah, “Aci Padişahı Sultan Alaaddin’in Kanuni Sultan Süleyman’a Mektubu”, Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, AÜDTCF Tarih Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, Vol. V, No. 8-9, Ankara University Publishing House, 1967, p. 374-376. 
[16]Mehmed Ziya, Açe Tarihi, 1312, İstanbul, p. 85.
[17]Göksoy, İ. Hakkı, Güneydoğu Asya’da Osmanlı-Türk Tesirleri, Fakülte Yayınları, Isparta, 2004, p. 42.
[18]Göksoy, İ. Hakkı, Ibid, p. 46, 51.
[19]B. J. Von Hammer, Büyük Osmanlı Tarihi, Vol. 8, p. 471-2.
[20]Tjandrasasmita, Uka, “The Indonesian Harbour Cities and the Coming of the Portuguese”, Ed.: Ivo Carneiro de Sousa, Richard Z. Leirissa, Indonesia-Portugal: Five Hundred Years of Historical Relationship, CEPESA, p. 60.
[21]Göksoy, İ. Hakkı, Güneydoğu Asya’da Osmanlı-Türk Tesirleri, Fakülte Yayınları, Isparta, 2004, p. 89.
[22]Rızaulhak Şah, “Aci Padişahı Sultan Alaaddin’in Kanuni Sultan Süleyman’a Mektubu”, Tarih Araştırmaları Dergisi, AÜDTCF Tarih Araştırmaları Enstitüsü, Vol. V, No.8-9, Ankara University Publishing House, 1967, p. 374.
[23]Cab Sıkureueng (Segel sultan Aceh), Pemkumpulan Pecinta Peninggalan Sejarah Dan Kepurbakalaan Aceh (PSSKA), Banda Aceh, 1998, p. 20.
[24]Hasjmy, Ali, Sejarah Kebudyaaan Islam di Indonesia, 1990, p. 139. 
[25]BOA, YPRK.EŞA, 28/66, 1315.5.13; Y.A.HUS, 1316.1.1
[26] For example: ‘Servet’, 7 Ramazan 1316/19 Kanuni-sani 1889.
[27]The dates between 3 Muharrem 1290 and 21 Rabiulakhir 1291 H.
[28]Tjandrasasmita, Uka, “The Indonesian Harbour Cities and the Coming of the Portuguese”, Ed.: Ivo Carneiro de Sousa, Richard Z. Leirissa, Indonesia-Portugal: Five Hundred Years of Historical Relationship, CEPESA, p. 48-9.
[29]Tjandrasasmita, Uka, “The Indonesian Harbour Cities and the Coming of the Portuguese”, Ed.: Ivo Carneiro de Sousa, Richard Z. Leirissa, Indonesia-Portugal: Five Hundred Years of Historical Relationship, CEPESA, p. 61.
[30]Özay, Mehmet, “Güneydoğu Asya’nın İslam Kültür ve Medeniyetine Katkısı Bağlamında Açe’de Bir Osmanlı Tekkesi: Dayah Tanoh Abee”, Journal of The Faculty of Divinity (Marmara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi), Issue 30, 2006, İstanbul, p. 191-213.
*Ali Hasjmy used the name of ‘Ali’ instead of  ‘el-Cavi’: “Şeyh Davud bin İsmail bin Aga Mustafa bin Aga Ali Er-Rumi”. See: Ali Hasjmy, 59 Tahun Aceh Merdeka, Bulan Bintang, Cakarta, 1977, p. 117. On the other hand, Azyumardi Azra gave Baba Davud’s full name “Davud el-Cavi el-Fansuri bin İsmail bin Aga Mustafa bin Aga Ali el-Rumi” şeklinde verir. See: Azra, Azyumardi, Jaringan Ulama -Timur Tengah dan Kepulauan Nusantara Abad XVII dan XVIII-, Penerbit Mizan, First published 1994, p. 211.
[31]Tarih Boyunca Malay-Türk İlişkileri, Editor: Hasrizal Abdul Jamil, B.A. (Hons.) SHARIA Mutah University, Jordan, (http://www.saifulislam.com/artikel/melayuturki.html.
[32]Saffet Bey, “Bir Osmanlı Filosu’nun Sumatra Seferi, Tarihi-i Osmani Encümeni Mecmuası, 1 Teşrin-i Evvel 1327 (1912 M), p. 605-6.
[33]Lombard, Denys,  Kerajaan Aceh -Jaman Sultan Iskandar Muda -1607-1636, Balai Pustaka, Jakarta, 1986, p. 159.
[34]Cab Sıkureueng (Segel sultan Aceh), Pemkumpulan Pecinta Peninggalan Sejarah Dan Kepurbakalaan Aceh (PSSKA), Banda Aceh, 1998, p. 20.
[35]Tarih Boyunca Malay-Türk İlişkileri, Editor: Hasrizal Abdul Jamil, B.A. (Hons.) SHARIA Mutah University, Jordan, (http://www.saifulislam.com/artikel/melayuturki.html.
[36]Djajadiningrat, Raden Hoesein, Kesultanan Aceh, Seri Penerbitan Museum Aceh 2, Suatu Pembahasan Atas Bahan-Bahan Yang Tertera Dalam Kayra Melayu Tentang Sejarah Kesultanan Aceh, Alih Bahasa: (Introduction) Teuku Hamid, Editör: Zekeriya Ahmed, 1979, Proyek Rehabilitasi Dan Perluasan Museum Daerah Istemewa Aceh, p. 49.

Hiç yorum yok:

Yorum Gönder