Turkey’s Renewed Interest in Asia: A Second Chance at Success?

Mehmet Özay                                               07.09.2019

At the end of the Cold War era in the 1990s, political scientists observing some emerging economies in the Asia Pacific predicted that Asia would lead the global economy in the near future. Now it can be safely asserted that this prediction reflects some considerable truth.

In particular, the consecutive economic growth of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) throughout the past few decades are enough to prove this prediction, although trade wars between the US and the PRC have led to heated global discussions recently.

What makes the current process more challenging for Western economic blocs is that there are some recent regional power houses which have been molded through the initiation of unpredictable alliances, such as Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) or originally known as Shanghai Five, consisting of China, Russia, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Kazakhstan.

As well as the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP) with 12 member countries in the Asia-Pacific region, considered to be the biggest free trade organization with its total trade volume covering 40 per cent of global trade, before the U.S withdrew from the agreement under President Trump.

As a result, member countries of the Asia-Pacific region are attempting to find opportunities which exclude the US, such as in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), a China-led multi-national trade body established in 2012.

Will history be repeated?

Within such a global economic and political context, Turkey, as seen in the recent statement of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, is trying to reposition its geo-economic strategy by building alliances with some countries in new regions.

To be able to understand current realities in a comparable sense, one should recall what happened some decades ago. When Turkic states in Central Asia gained their independence in in the 1990s, it was at this point that a great opportunity opened up in front of Turkey to reposition itself towards other Turkic nations.

However, though there were some attempts to gain momentum for a potential alliance among the Turkic nations, Turkey was unable to provide effective leadership and the initiatives were unsuccessful.

Political circles in Turkey are once again discussing reengaging with Turkic nations but from a different perspective. It might be described as an Asian policy of Turkey, which is undoubtedly strategically important and should not be wasted as had happened in the previous era.

To make sure that history will not be repeated, it is important for there to be well-informed individuals and institutions from both domestic and international circles who adopt careful analytical approaches to comprehend developments happening in Central, East and Southeast Asia.

Friends of Turkey

One should assert that Turkey’s Asia policy has a historical background which was shaped and even enforced, to some extent, by various eastern Muslim states in previous centuries. In this light, the emerging problem here is how the current attempt to reorient Turkey’s geo-economy should be rationally restructured.

Though there seems to be a strong intention to expand Turkey’s geo-economic boundaries to new horizons, it is also important to keep in mind how the member countries of the above-mentioned regional blocs such as, ASEAN and SCO perceive Turkey and in which areas they may collaborate with it.

In this regard, while the world has been evolving into multipolar power houses, the importance of ASEAN and SCO is being felt even more, and they will have a greater global influence in the rest of the 21st century. Looking at the member countries of these organizations and their primary aims there are some differences between these two associations.

SCO, which seems to give priority to regional security, is a relatively new organization established after the Cold War and the acceptance of China to the World Trade Organization in 2001. This organization can now be regarded as an alternative to other established regional organizations such as ASEAN and APEC which are led by the US and its allies.

Moreover, after the diminishing role of the Russian led communist bloc, economically liberalized China expanded its economic and investment environment into Central and Western Asia, which are considered to be a buffer zone with Russia. In addition, one can assert that China aims to come to a certain political and economic understanding with Russia, and does not want to have fierce rivalry with it in Central Asia.

On the other hand, ASEAN was a product of Cold War politics, which aimed to protect Southeast Asia from the direct influence of the Communist China.

Turkey’s renewed interest

Turkey has been restructuring its foreign policy from the initial years of this century based on its strong interest in becoming a global actor.

Its emerging position in the world is a result of various factors, such as its economic development, strong investment in higher education, expansion and diversification of Turkish representative agencies in relevant regions around the world, and so on.

Although Turkey’s soft power, emerging in forms such as humanitarian aid and scholarship programs for international students among other initiatives, have been particularly successful, Turkey’s real economic and political impacts are yet to be realized.

In this context, the duality of giving priority to soft power or hard power should be overcome and both need to be addressed in a balanced way to support each other in the implementation of programs in the region.

In particular, East and Southeast Asia have some other characteristics such as having a significant work force, a higher percentage of young people in the population, growing urbanization, and technologically innovative production systems, which are the triggers for economic modernization of the region.

Turkey’s engagement with regional blocs in the near future should take into consideration what places are advantageous and disadvantageous. Turkish authorities should evaluate both the benefits and disadvantages of both ASEAN and SCO.

The issues considered to be advantages of Turkey are its leadership capacity, historical-cultural ties, positive perception of Turkey by regional peoples, liberal values intermingled with deep historical and religious roots, experiences in liberal economic practices and so on. Turkey’s ideologically neutral stand as compared with China, Russia and the US will also increase its alignment with regional Asian countries.

On the other hand, being less informed about the historical background, colonial impact, diverse religio-cultural realities of the region, and the scale of competitiveness are the challenges which Turkey will need to overcome.

From smaller steps to greater associations

As it has been observed in the past decade and a half, even the bilateral relationships between Turkey and relevant countries in East and Southeast Asia are yet to give fruitful results or advance, at least in some sectors, towards higher levels.

To be able to have well-structured relationships with ASEAN and SCO, Turkey should represent itself in the region with a dedicated group of individuals in the field. Otherwise, establishing relationships with these Asian countries would be difficult.

Since all the major multinational companies are competing fiercely in the region, major Turkish companies should compete with their counterparts in selected regions whose populations have some closer connection Turkey.

Among the ASEAN member countries, Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia are quite crucial for the easy engagement of Turkish companies. Since these countries are adjacent to the Malacca Straits bridging India and China, which are two huge consumer markets. Turkish companies can find time to adjust before considering expansion to the larger parts of the region.

For a successful engagement of Turkey and Turkish companies, a much broader mapping of investments in technologies, collaboration in larger regional and global markets and cultural investments are highly critical.

Regarding the latter, small and mid-sized enterprises (SMEs) should focus initiatives on strategic areas, since the nature of economic development in East and Southeast Asia has been based on the sustainable productivity of SMEs.

It is hoped that this strategic step will bear fruit not only for the gradual expansion of Turkish companies, but will help significantly in the economic and social welfare of local communities as well.

https://thenewturkey.org/turkeys-renewed-interest-in-asia-a-second-chance-at-success

Will the Hong Kong Protests defeat Beijing?

Mehmet Özay                                                                                                                    26 June 2019

foto:asiatimes.com

The re-emergence of a series of the mass demonstrations in large avenues and public squares of Hong Kong, which is recognized as being among the international financial and trade centers, in the middle of June, is not surprising.

The people of Hong Kong have been on the streets opposing a proposed law allowing extradition of suspects for trial in mainland China.

This law arrangement offered by the Island’s Chief Executive to be discussed in the parliament without consulting the public is believed to be a political decision imposed by mainland China.

What makes the series of demonstrations important is that the people of  Hong Kong are having growing suspicions about the fairness of rule on the Island.

A thriving number of the protestors, who represent the diverse ways of life in Hong Kong society have come together to protest against the reshaping of the Island’s political environment.  This also shows that they feel themselves to be under a gradually growing threat and danger of the impositions by Beijing.

While the Chinese government argues that the proposed law is related to security issues, people in Hong Kong consider it as a tool of impairment of the established democratic rules and regulations in the Island.

The latest law proposal is not a sole case, rather it is proof that there have been consecutive arrangements making the Island’s public life unbearable in terms of public law rights.

This is the exact reason behind the Island’s public outpour onto the streets as an expression of their view against the undemocratic processes run by the rulers who have been accused of being puppets of Beijing. Chinese rule tries to impose its own repressive laws, as observed in the form of the extradition case, bypassing the Island’s public through utilizing the institution of the Chief Executive.

In this regard, the mass demonstrations cam be fairly considered as a reaction to the imposition policies of the rules and regulations by Beijing. In fact, this is not the only reason for the enduring demonstrations but rather it is considered to be another stage of curtailment of the Island’s socio-political landscape, determined by the Beijing politics.

Starting just a few days before the second-round discussion of the law proposal in parliament, the demonstrators were able to suspend the process. In addition, although they were unable to succeed in forcing the resignation of Carrie Lam, the Chief Executive, from her post, the latter has publicly apologized to the public.

This is a mass movement by civil participants who marched in a peaceful manner through the large avenues of the Island, which also witnessed the Occupation movement in 2017 in response to mainland China rule which failed to keep its promise to initiate universal suffrage.

Though some circles assume that this was just a standard demonstration, in fact it is a proof of the crucial transformation of the Island dwellers in terms of political mobilization.

Taking the huge participation into consideration, one can assert that the failure of China rule seems to have naturally united the people of the Island to advocate for their rights.

In the past several years, the Island’s dwellers have been gradually transforming, as observed, into a mass movement in growing numbers to save their future from the undemocratic rule of China. And this is the picture of Hong Kong in these years.

There are some important aspects to the June demonstrations. First, it shows a significant increase in the number of the participants, exceeding that of the 2014 demonstrations.

It was then known as the Umbrella Movement, which took the stage for almost 3 months against the undemocratic practices of the Island government and was described as historically the largest turnout with an attendance of over a million individuals.

Secondly, it signals to both the Island’s special administration, and to Beijing, that the Island’s public highly care about their future and the freedom of the next generation.

Thirdly, the Hong Kong diaspora, such as students and migrant workers, particularly in Western capitals came out in support of the movement. Despite their minor numbers, these appearances were symbolically important, with banners demanding that their democratic rights not be grabbed by mainland China. This means that the political movements in Hong Kong is expanding onto the global stage.

Fourthly, these demonstrators are capable of organizing demonstrations on their own personal initiatives and through their civil institutions which seems to be quite challenging for Beijing. There is no doubt that this reality is giving a strong message to the mainland China rule.

At this point, one should argue that there is a strong division between the Island’s ruling elite, who represent mainland China’s political regime, and the Hong Kongers who call themselves as citizens of Hong Kong, not citizens of the People’s Republic of China.

But today what marks these June demonstrations, continuing till date, is the active participation of the huge number of people. In fact, these are the largest demonstrations seen in the Island against Chinese rule since the Island’s union with China in 1997.

The Island folks admit that they will not surrender to the rulers of the Island’s administration, who are directed by Beijing. This challenge bore immediate results in that Carrie Lam, the Chief Executive, announced the suspension of the discussions pertaining to the mentioned law in parliament. In the aftermath, however, she has declined, till today, to withdraw the proposed law or resign from her post.

These series of demonstrations are clear expressions of democratic wishes of the people on the Island. Here, one can argue that these large scale social movements prove the discontent of the ordinary Island folks against the current political rule in China. And the former does not want to relinquish the political arena to the latter to play its own game freely.

Though both the rulers and ruling party of China are proud of reaching the second top level spot in economic development after the US globally, this does not give any hope to the peoples living in the autonomous regions which are under the indirect rule of Beijing such as Hong Kong.

The increase in the size of demonstrations in Hong Kong has already become a increasingly discernable phenomenon for the people to express their views, especially those who feel themselves to be under the threats and pressures of Chinese regime.

https://thenewturkey.org/will-the-hong-kong-protests-defeat-beijing

Islam, Colonialism and the Reaction Against Israel in Southeast Asia

Mehmet Özay                                                                                                                     26 May 2019

The turbulence in the Middle East between Israel and Palestine has undoubtedly had a great impact upon the policies of the nation states and sensitivities of the Muslim communities in Southeast Asia.

It is assumed that having larger Muslim populations in some countries such as Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei in the region would translate to a strong united stand in international politics to challenge the policies of Israel and its allies. However, whether this is reflected in real life or not is another issue.

Firstly, none of these countries have formal diplomatic relations with Israel. Israeli companies and citizens are not allowed to enter in normal conditions to these countries. In this regard, their relations with Israel are confined to discussions in some international conventions and so on.

And it is observed that these countries procedurally contribute to the resolutions consecutively taken during and after various occasions for more than half a century in relevant bodies of the United Nations (UN) and also the general meetings of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). As seen in the above-mentioned account, these three countries simply reflect their own nation-state approaches.

On the other hand, they recognize the legitimacy of the free Palestinian state and have Palestinian embassies or representative bodies in their relevant capital cities.

In addition, they allow Palestinians to visit, work and study, activities which are to an extent supported by the state agencies or individual organizations. This policy is a crystal-clear indication that the state agencies and general public strongly support the Palestinian case.

Islam as uniting factor

There are two areas which determine the anti-Israel stance and policies of the above-mentioned nation-states in support of Palestine.

The first one is related to the fact that the people under these respective nation-states historically and anthropologically, called the Malays, have always been considered as Muslims.

The Malays’ strong relationship with Islam and Islamic discourse should not be regarded as insignificant even though they live in the so-called periphery of the Islamic world.

The feeling of being a part of the larger Ummah is a major reason why the Malays continue appreciating the importance of Al-Quds. This socio-cultural situation plays a decisive role for the establishment of policies of these nation state towards the Middle-East based conflict.

Reaction to the neo-colonial situation

The second reason is that the Malay people, who themselves were subjugated by the Western colonizers throughout the centuries, have sympathy towards the Palestinians as an oppressed people, who are being deprived of their legal and legitimate land and rights.

In this regard, the anti-colonial stand of Southeast Asia countries helps in taking a pro-Palestinian stand towards the situation in the Middle East.

The policies developed under the leaderships of founding fathers Sukarno in Indonesia and Tunku Abdul Rahman in Malaysia were structured by the above-mentioned anti-colonial sentiments. These sentiments are still valid pertaining to the relevant article referring in Indonesian constitution.

While the former initiated strong ties with Arab leaders, the latter is known to have developed the idea of the OIC to protect the rights of the Palestinians.

In addition, Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, the fourth prime minister of Malaysia, gained fame globally due to his outspoken reactions against Israel. He expresses his thoughts and feelings without mincing his words against the Israeli governments. He even describes the latter as the responsible for state terrorism against the Palestinians.

As he is ruling the country, currently in his second tenure, he continues his anti-Israel stand, which was witnessed in his most recent statement that Israel is “the root cause of world instability”.

Though some Western scholarly works emphasize to criticize the stand of these leaders as having ‘pro-Arab’ tendencies, it is perceived that this labelling aims to distort and manipulate the reality appearing in the form of the Zionist invasion of Palestinian lands. 

On the other hand, some leaders have attempted to build bridges in order to normalize the relationship with Israel, either because of global pressure or demands from Israeli governments.

In particular, this occurred in the vicinity of the Middle East peace talks in the late decades of the previous century during the Suharto era in Indonesia, although there were no convincing developments.

Besides that, Abdurrahman Wahid, former Indonesian president, during his tenure as the president, as a liberal politician, tried to take concrete steps for the abovementioned normalization, but he failed to realize it either.

In general, it was observed not only in Wahid’s attempt, but also in the attempts by Indonesian political elites, who conditioned first the fair peace process between Israel and Palestine, but could not act without considering the Muslim communities’ sensitiveness to the issue.

While the country is still undergoing a reformation process, which is mainly reflected in the form of socio-economic development, this reform process implicitly covers the international relations side as well. As observed, political leaders such as Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the former president, and Joko Widodo, incumbent president, have from time to time attempted to attract the world public attention by hosting democracy forums, extraordinary OIC meetings etc.

It suffices to note here that subjugation of the land of the Palestinian nation and blockade of the Sacred sanctuary of Islam by the Zionist regime of Israel are the major reasons for the reactions of the Muslim nations worldwide, including the ones in Southeast Asia as well.

And they acknowledge explicitly that the Israeli-occupied territory is an inseparable part of the historical and legal right of the Palestinian people. 

As a result of this, the Muslim population in the region continue to demonstrate great sympathy to the Palestinians, and the respective states have not undergone any significant changes in their policies to extend their support for Palestinian rights.

https://thenewturkey.org/islam-colonialism-and-the-reaction-against-israel-in-southeast-asia

A SOCIOLOGICAL APPROACH TO THE PHENOMENON OF HALAL FOOD: A CASE OF MALAYSIA

Adem EFE[1], Mehmet OZAY[2]

Abstract

The social interactions of Malay Muslims with non-Muslim Malaysians emerged depending on the circumstances have become the subject of various researchers in the modern era. The concept of Halal Food, which has been popularized through the establishment of various religio-bureaucratic institutions, can be considered as a unique area for the ethno-relations around the food consumption in Malaysia. In this sense, the relationship of ethno-social and religious segments structured around the phenomenon of Halal Food conditioned around deserves to be considered as a research field of Sociology of Religion. This treaty deals with concisely the phenomenon of Halal Food which draws attention as one of the salient stages of the socio-political changing process in the country. This process, as a conscious preference of Malay political elites, has been the subject of construction which was supposed to guarantee social existence of Malay Muslims who had been recognized socio-economically as the underprivileged segment. The phenomenon of Halal Food, brought up through the various institutions in Malaysia, has not been in the personal initiative of the Malay Muslims, instead it has already been moved to public arena by the force of implementation of law. The usage of this phenomenon in technical sense attracts attention as one of the strong symbolic expressions of institutionalized Islam. This process work as two dimensions. The first one is related to demands of Malay Muslims who became the subject of expansion of higher education and urbanization especially since the late of 1970s and specially 1980s. On the other hand, it has also functioned as a vehicle to make the non-Muslim minorities to recognize that Islam is the dominant religio-cultural aspect of the Malaysian society. As revealed by some researchers, there is no doubt that the practices during this era not only correspond to social demands in one side, but also are considered as reflections of Islamization in political field owing to the internal and external factors.

Keywords: Halal Food, Malay Muslims, Globalization, Social change.

This paper was presented in the II. International Halal and Healthy Food Congress, 7-10 November, 2013, Konya-Turkey.

See for details: 

http://connection.ebscohost.com/c/articles/95036154/sociological-approach-phenomenon-halal-food-case-malaysia

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[1]Süleyman Demirel University Faculty of Theology–Isparta, Turkey

[2]Researcher, Kuala Lumpur, Malezya.

“Preliminary Thoughts Upon The Policies of The Ottoman State In the 16th Century Indian Ocean”

Mehmet Özay                                                                                                                   13 Mart 2013

For a new perspective to understand the involvement of the Ottoman State into the political issues in the Indian Ocean in the 16th century. Further the function of the Sultanate of Aceh Darussalam must be revisited to conceive the salient developments in the eastern and western parts of this ocean.

Abstract 

This article aims to sketch concisely about the relationships between the Ottomans and the Portuguese pertaining to the developments in the Indian Ocean in the first half of the 16th century. The purpose of the Portuguese Kingdom to establish hegemony in the eastern seas occurred in an era when Ottoman State’s borders reached nearly the central Europe. After annexing the Mamluk Sultanate, the Ottomans expanded its borders and became adjacent to the Indian Ocean. After having great efforts to be a vigorous power in the Black, Aegean and Mediterranean Seas from the mid of the 15th century onwards, the Ottomans gave prominence on the advancement of the navy which was considered as complementary to the conventional army in the expansion of the state. Nonetheless, there are disputed accounts among the academicians pertaining to assessment of the Ottoman sea-power against its challenge to the Portuguese sea power in terms of the developments in the Indian Ocean.

World Journal of Islamic History and Civilization, History and Civilization, Academy of Islamic Studies, University of Malaya, 3 (1): 09-20, 2013, ISSN 2225-0883, IDOSI Publications, 2013, DOI: 10.5829/idosi.wjihc.2013.3.1.3102.

       http://idosi.org/wjihc/wjihc3(1)13.htm

ACEH REHABILITATION AND RECONSTRUCTION: CULTURAL PERSPECTIVES

By: Hasballah M. Saad                                                                  January, 2006 

Since 1873, when the first expeditions of Dutch mission arrived in Bandar Aceh Darussalam, later on named as Kota Raja, Acehnese people have lived within a very long conflict situation until 1942. Similar condition continued during the Japanese army invasion which took over control on Aceh until 1945. From the time of the independence day August, 17^th,1945 up till now, many kinds of conflicts have been continuing, such as Civil War (1946), Second Aggression War (1948), Darul Islam Movement (1953-1962), Communist Party Rebellion (1965-1970), the Aceh Free Movement (1976- 2005) and later on the unbelievable tsunami and earthquake on December, 26^th, 2004.

It is not very difficult to think about the impacts of such unrest on the civil society’s daily life. Thousands of public facilities such school buildings were destroyed, private properties damaged, community leaders and teachers killed during the conflict era. Consequently the younger generation who grow up during the conflict situations has exhibited a very unstable and violent character. And later on, the tsunami and earthquake brought a complete destruction and hopelessness to the Acehnese people. Just within the range of 10 minutes, the earthquake and the tsunami waves on the morning of December 26^th, 2004, took the life of more than 300,000 people. Widows, orphans and homeless people were scattered over the coastal regions in Aceh.

The Tsunami, on the one side had created a very enormous effect on the people and coastal region in Aceh. It also affected the economic, political and cultural aspects of the Acehnese daily life: severe destruction to Aceh and the Acehnese population. On the other hand, the tsunami has caused the warring parties in the region to direct their attention to the fate of the Acehnese population who were then in the state of real emergency and helplessness. At least partly on this humanitarian basis, the two parties agreed to meet for the purpose of building peace for Aceh which was indicated by the signing of the peace agreement between the Aceh Free Movement and the Government of Indonesia in Helsinki, Finland on August, 15^th, 2005.

Thanks God, it is really a blessing in disguise, even though the Acehnese and people around the world are facing the biggest challenge, the peace agreement has become a very important momentum for us to define the better future for Aceh, because of three reasons. First, the peace was achieved and could be very important modalities for development; rehabilitation and reconstruction of the New Aceh.³ Now we are coming to a very important question: What kind of New Aceh that we want to build? What kind of tool that we have in hand to prepare and what kind of model of development that has to be referred to in terms of our references?

We have to deal with the tsunami affected areas and the results of a very long conflict simultaneously. The mandate of the BRR Aceh and Nias⁴ at the beginning didn’t include the peace agreement consequences, such as compensation and re integration fund and management for former Aceh Free Movement members. That is something that has to be considered as additional part to the original mandate of BRR. For this case, consequently BRR has to adjust the organizational structure and its budget.

Second, the people around the world have a very strong willingness and commitment to take care and bring so many resources to Aceh, in terms of emergency relief, rehabilitation, and reconstruction aids. The problem is how to manage and use the fund effectively and efficiently, without any misuse and or being useless. Transparency, accountability, and public participations have to be considered as important parts of the management of reconstruction process. The clear maps of problems and accurate identification of damage and needs are the other conditions to be considered.

Third, there is a common objective to be achieved between the Aceh Free Movement and the Government of Indonesia, to help and to provide a better future of life for Acehnese, after tsunami and at the end of the conflict. This objective was supported by not only by Civil Society, and the Acehnese people in Aceh, but also by the Acehnese Communities, and people around the world. For your information, currently there are more than 300 International NGOs and UN agencies working in Aceh conducting various programs. Some of these agencies work on humanitarian aids such as development of people houses, food supplies program, health and education services, and long term development program such as infrastructure development, public facilities, financial support and economic recovery.

The problem is there is very limited trust from the international side to both government agencies and BRR and its partners. So what should we do to provide better services to protect all of the third conditions as mentioned above?

There are two main important areas which have to be mentioned. First, the planning stage, even though the National Planning Agency has already provided the blue print of Rehabilitation and Reconstruction for Aceh and Nias Post Tsunami Era, the very important question remains to be answered related to the descriptions of New Aceh concept.

Many people have perceptions that the blue print of rehabilitation and reconstruction of Aceh and Nias is very much of physical oriented. This is caused by very poor and lack of understanding of local genuine, wisdom, values, character, and culture. In the blue print of development, culture development was put as a part of development that was identified as a physical aspect such as building, facilities, group of dancer, and so on. There are very poor in values system and it is beyond the meaning of any kind of performance and models of construction and physical development. Actually, within the frame of the New Aceh concept, any development aspects must consider the four system values: (1) Acehnese character and culture, (2) Islamic values as majority people references, (3) Nationality values as a part of the Indonesian State, and (4) Humanity values as a reference of human being.

The related question is how can we implement and elaborate those values system into the blue print of reconstruction? There is still an opportunity to be discussed, even though the blue print already exists. Shall we open the opportunity to evaluate and revise the plan of this development?

Second, does the Organizational Structure, Leadership and Management of BRR have a strong willingness to be criticized and open minded to adjust and improve the capacity, capability, sensibility of the team, in terms of moving toward the true and clear New Aceh concepts mentioned above. The four values system must be considered as a reference in all stages of development. It is not too late to make an adjustment, because we have another three years of four year reconstruction period.

Are we convinced that the New Aceh concepts could be achieved within the four year reconstruction period? I do believe that it is not easy for BRR and any other related agencies doing effective work without good and effective coordination. Political support from the Government of Indonesia, the Aceh Free Movement, and the Civil Society in Aceh and around the world is necessary and even vital. Who will take responsibility to provide the necessary support is not just BRR, but include all local government elements, community leaders, civil society leaders, ulamas, NGO activists, and politicians both at district, provincial and national levels.

We have to change the paradigm of development, not to provide and reconstruct the model we already had before. There is no any vision looking forward. Actually Aceh before tsunami and the end of conflict is not the desired picture of Aceh. We have to come to a new perspective, to give a maximum opportunity for the people of Aceh to achieve their own better life in the future, by providing the facilities, supports, references, and spirit to do it by their own way and capacity. The goal of development is how to push people to be more civilized, respect to human being, move to more modern lifestyle, but based on traditional root and their own cultural values. The character building is more important than physical construction and development.

How do we define the goal of development of Aceh to be more cultural based and put the character building as a central part of development should be considered in the future? How do we use the values system mentioned above to be a reference in any stages of development which are more important to be considered than building a very good physical construction planning, without a clear vision and philosophical values beyond the reconstruction and rehabilitation activities.

People who live in Aceh have to play the central and strategic role of development. Any kind of development that was planned in the blue print have to considered that the subject of rehabilitation and reconstruction is the people’s life in Aceh, as a part of Indonesia, with very specific conditions, because of conflict and tsunami impact.

The destruction in Aceh is not only caused by the natural disaster such as tsunami and earthquake, but also as the impact of a very long period of armed conflict, and so on. In the other part of the world such as Japan after the 2nd World War, or Germany after Hitler Regime, and other countries have a similar damages. In the Holy Qur’an, it is clearly related a story on Saba kingdom⁵ as a very clear example for us to learn such experiences. Macedonia, Greek and Mongol Kingdom in the West and South Asia Region in the past were gone with the time, because of their failure to rebuild after the damage. Their golden age was gone with the wind. But Japan and Germany and other First Countries, such as Italy, Great Britain, Spain, America, Australia, and Korea, tell us successful stories how to deal with their own problems in the past. The existing achievement of development depends on right and appropriate strategic of development design, management quality of the development process, and of course the quality of planning and design. Supported resources could be useless if we fail to prepare all the necessary conditions.

How about the Aceh case after the conflict and tsunami disaster? The answer is in the hand of all of us, BRR, the Government of Indonesia, the (former) Aceh Free. Movement, civil society in Aceh and around the world, and of course International Agencies as well as donor countries.

At the end of my speech, allow me on behalf of all of tsunami and conflict victims to extend our gratitude and thanks the Government of Norway, as well as the Holland and other European Union Countries who have committed to work hand in hand with the Government of Indonesia. And also for other countries who work very hard and donate so many important things to prepare a better future life for the Acehnese, for Indonesia.

Thank you for your kind attention.

Prof. Dr. Anthony Reid ve Çalışmaları / Anthony Reid and His Works

Mehmet Özay                                                                                                                          12.04.2012

English 

Anthony Reid, one of the founding fathers of rediscovery of Southeast Asian history in the last few decades, has been inspiring many academicians in various fields of social sciences, and particularly history.

The attention which we are trying to take is related to his mentorship in Aceh history. The way of his study has become very encouraging for not only Acehnese, Indonesian, but also for some other researchers and nationalities such as Australian, Malaysian, Japanese, American, German, British etc.  We may argue that Prof. Reid has a special attention to Aceh history.

He developed his relations with Acehnese academicians such as Isa Sulaiman and became a board member of Aceh Institute. Though Isa Sulaiman passed away in the tsunami 26^th December, 2004, Reid has continued to be mentor of some young intellectuals who come together at Aceh Institute.

The importance of Reid in terms of Aceh his attempts to organize international Aceh conferences after MoU Helsinki, 15^th August, 2005. Thus he established a board of international members to highlight an institutions establishment. Though he had more difficulties throughout the process he seems to have succeeded to have held three conferences titled International Center of Aceh Indian Ocean Studies (ICAIOS). The first in 2007, at Hermes Palace in Banda Aceh, the second (2009) and third (2011) at Unsyiah and IAIN Ar-Raniry.

Turkish 

Güneydoğu Asya tarihi çalışmaları konusunda önemli isimlerin başında gelen Prof. Dr. Anthony Reid Avustralya kökenli bir akademisyen. Reid’i konu almamıza yol açan unsur nedir diye sorulabilir? Reid, sadece genel itibarıyla Güneydoğu Asya tarihi değil, özelde Açe tarihi konusunda köklü çalışmaları ile bir anlamda görece genç akademisyenlere rehber olmuş bir şahsiyettir. Bu rehberliği sadece görev yaptığı üniversite(ler) ile sınırlı olmamış, Açe’yi şu veya bu şekilde ilgi alanına almış başta Açeli, Endonezyalı olmak üzere Avustralya, İngiltere, Almanya, ABD, Japonya, Malezya gibi dünyanın hemen her yanından araştırmacılara, akademisyenler onun eserleri ile Açe’ye nüfuz etme gereği duymuşlardır.

Bu bağlamda, Reid’in, Açe’ye dair özel bir ilgi beslediğini söyleyebiliriz. 1990’lı yıllarda, Açe’nin önde gelen sosyologu İsa Süleyman başta olmak üzere, o dönem Açeli genç akademisyenler ile birlikte Açe Enstitüsü’nü kurmuş ve yönetim kurulu üyeliği yapmıştır. Bir anlamda kurumun ‘beyni’ hüviyetinde olan İsa Süleyman, 26 Aralık 2004 tarihinde gerçekleşen tsunamide hayatını kaybetmesi kuruma kan kaybettirmiş olabilir. Ancak Açe Enstitüsü “mentor” İsa Süleyman’ın yolundan gitmeye devam ediyor. Bu çerçevede Anthony Reid de danışmanlık noktasında söz konusu kurumu yalnız bırakmıyor.

Reid’in Açe için önemli kılan bir diğer yönü, elbette Helsinki Barış Anlaşması’nın imzalandığı 15 Ağustos 2005 tarihinden bugüne kadar gerçekleştirilmesine öncülük ettiği Uluslararası Açe Konferansları dizisi oldu. Bu konferanslar Uluslararası Açe ve Hint Okyanusu Konferansı (ICAIOS) olarak yapılandı ve kurumsallaşma konusunda önemli girişimler gerçekleştirildi. İlki 2007, ikincisi 2009 üçüncüsü 2011’de Banda Açe’deki çeşitli mekanlarda gerçekleştirilen bu konferanslar dizisi, özellikle Açe gerçeğini tarihi, kültürel, sosyal, ekonomik, barış süreci vb. bağlamları ile çok geniş bir katılımla ele alınmasında gözardı edilemeyecek bir birikimin oluşmasına neden oldu. Reid, bu konferanslar dizisi başlangıcında oluşturduğu uluslararası komite (ki içinde Türkiye’den de bir üye bulunuyor) ile bu oluşumun kurumsallaşmasını planlıyordu. Ve ilgili ülkeler adına katılımcı üyelerin gayretleri ile bu gerçekleştirilecekti. Ancak bu güne kadar sözde ülkeler adına yer alan katılımcıların (şayet varsa) çabalarının olumlu sonuç doğurduğu söylenemez. Örneğin, en son 2001 yılı Mayıs ayında yapılan üçüncü konferansın eş-başkanlığını yürüten kıymetli dostumuz Dr. Saiful Mahdi, Reid’in kişisel desteği olmasaydı, bu konferansın gerçekleştirilemeyeceğini dile getirmişti.  

Burada amacım, söz konusu kurumsallaşmayı detayına ele almak değil. Sadece Reid’in sadece Açe ve uluslararası akademi dünyası için değil, Açe halkı için ne anlam ifade ettiğini ortaya koymak adına kısada olsa bir değini yapmak istedim.

Uzun yıllar Singapur Ulusal Üniversitesi (NUS) Asya Araştırmaları Merkezi’nden görev yapan Reid, yaklaşık birbuçuk yıl once emekli oldu. Reid, emekliliğinin ardından doğduğu topraklara yani Avustralya’ya dönerek Avustralya Ulusal Üniversitesi’nde göreve başladı.

Aşağıda, benim de çeşitli çalışmalarımda kaynak olarak kullandığım Reid’in eserlerini sizlerle paylaşmak istiyorum. Bugüne kadar ulaştığım bu kaynaklara ilave olarak henüz “keşfedemediğim” eserleri olabilir. Bu bağlamda, siz okuyucuların katkısına açığım. Reid’in çalışmalarını en son yayınlanan eserden başlayarak yazıldığını hatırlatmak isterim.  

Anthony Reid'in Eserleri

Anthony Reid, R. Michael Feener and Patrick Daly (eds), Mapping the Acehnese Past. Leiden: 163-181, 259-278. (Kadı, İsmail Hakkı, Peacock, A.C.S. and Gallop, Annabel Teh. 2011. Writing History. The Acehnese embassy to Istanbul, 1848-52.)

Anthony Reid, To Nation By Revolution, Indonesia in the 20th century, NUS, Singapore, 2011.

Anthony Reid, “Chinese on the mining frontier in Southeast Asia” Chinese Circulations: capital, commodities, and networks in Southeast Asia / Eric Tagliacozzo and Wen-Chin Chang, (eds), Duke University Press, 2011.

Anthony Reid, Imperial Alchemy: Nationalism and Political Identity in Southeast Asia, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2010.

Anthony Reid,  Aceh and the Turkish connection. In Arndt Graf, Susanne Schroeter, Edwin Wieringa (eds)  Aceh: history, politics and culture.  Singapore: 26-38, 2010.

Anthony Reid, “Fr Pecot and the Earlier Catholic Imprints in Malay”, In Lost Times and Untold Tales From the Malay World, (ed) Jan van Der Putten; Mary Kilcline cody, NUS Press, Singapore, 2009, pp. 177-186.

Anthony Reid and Michael Gilsenan (eds),  Islamic legitimacy in a plural Asia, Roudledge, London, 2007.

Anthony Reid, “Aceh between two worlds: an intersection of Southeast Asia and the Indian Ocean”, Cross Currents and Community Networks; the history of the Indian Ocean world / edited by Himanshu Prabha Ray and Edward A. Alpers, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2007.

Anthony Reid, “Indonesia's post-revolutionary aversion to federalism”, Federalism in Asia, edited by Baogang He, Brian Galligan, Takeshi Inoguchi. Cheltenham, UK; Northampton, MA : Edward Elgar, 2007.

Anthony Reid, “Introduction”, (Ed.) Anthony Reid, Verandah Of Violence -The Background to the Aceh Problem-, Singapore University Press, 2006, (p. 1-22).

Anthony Reid, “The Pre-modern Sultanate’s View of Its Place in the World”, (Ed.) Anthony Reid, Verandah Of Violence -The Background to the Aceh Problem-, Singapore University Press, 2006, (pgs. 52-72).

Anthony Reid, “Colonal Transformation: A Bitter Legacy”, (Ed.) Anthony Reid, Verandah Of Violence -The Background to the Aceh Problem-, Singapore University Press, 2006, (s. 96-108).

Anthony Reid, “Remembering and forgetting war and revolution”, Beginning to remember: the past in the Indonesian present / edited by Mary S. Zurbuchen. Seattle : Singapore University Press in association with University of Washington Press, 2005.

Anthony Reid, “Writing the history on Independent Indonesia”, Nation-building: five Southeast Asian histories (eds), Wang Gungwu, Southeast Asian histories, Singapore : Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2005. 

Anthony Reid, The Ottomans in Southeast Asia, Asia Research Institute (ARI), Working Paper Series, No. 36, National University of Singapore, February, 2005.

Anthony Reid, “Global and Local in Southeast Asian History”, International Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 1, No. 1, 2004.

Anthony Reid, “Aceh’s View of Its Place in the World: 1500-1873”, (Ed.), The Historical Background of the Aceh Problem,  Asia Research Institute National University of Singapore, 28-29 May 2004, Singapore.

Anthony Reid, “Chinese trade and Southeast Asian economic expansion in the later eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries : an overview”, Water Frontier: commerce and the Chinese in the Lower Mekong Region, 1750-1880 / edited by Nola Cooke and Li Tana, Singapore : Singapore University Press ; Lanham, MD : Rowman & Littlefield, 2004.

Anthony Reid, An Indonesian Frontier -Acehnese and Other Histories of Sumatra-, Singapore University Press, Singapore, 2005.

Anthony Reid, “Economic and Social Change: 1400-1800, (Ed.), Nicholas Tarling, The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, Vol. II: From 1500-1800, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2004.

Anthony Reid, “Technology and Language: Negotiation The Third Revolution in the Use of Language”, In Language Trends in Asia, (ed), Jennifer Lindsay, Tan Ying Ying, Asia Research Institute, National University of Singapore, Singapore, 2003.

Anthony Reid, "The VOC and Euro-Chinese Urban Model", In Traders as Historians Studying Southeast Asian History From the Dutch East India Company (VOC) Records, An International Symposium, Presented by Humanities and Social Studies Education Academic Group, National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, 6 September, 2002.

Anthony Reid, “Understanding Melayu (Malay) as a Source of Diverse Modern Identities”, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 32 (3), syf 295-313, October 2001, The National University of Singapore, Sinpagore.

Anthony Reid, Charting The Shape of Early Modern Southeast Asia, Cornell University Library, Ithaca, New York, 1999.

Anthony Reid, Witnesses to Sumatra -A Travellers’ Anthology-, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1995.

Anthony Reid, “Islamization and Christianization in Southeast Asia: The Critical Phase, 1550-1650, (Ed.); Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Early Modern Era: Trade, Power and Belief, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 1993.

Anthony Reid, “Introduction”, (Ed.), Anthony Reid, The Making of An Islamic Political Discourse in Southeast Asia, Aristoc Press Pty, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, Clayton-Victoria, Australia, 1993, (s. 1-17).

           

Anthony Reid, “Economic and Social Change: 1400-1800”, (Ed.), Nicholas Tarling, The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, Vol. I, Part I: From early times to 1500, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1992.

Anthony Reid, “King, Kadis and Charisma in the Seventeenth Century Archipelago”, (Ed.), Anthony Reid, The Making of An Islamic Political Discourse in Southeast Asia, Aristoc Press Pty, Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash University, Clayton-Victoria, Australia, 1993, (pgs. 83-109).

Anthony Reid, “The System of Trade and Shipping in Maritime South and Southeast Asia, and the Effects of the Development of the Cape Route to Europe” In H. Pohl (eds.), The European Discovery of the World and its Economic Effects on Pre-Industrial Society, 1500-1800, Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1990 (pp. 73-96).

Anthony Reid, “Elephants and Water in the Feasting of Seventeenth Century Aceh”, JMBRAS, Vol 62, Part 2, No 257, 1989.

Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680, Volume One: The Lands below the Winds, Yale University Press, 1988.

Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450-1680, Volume Two: The Lands below the Winds, Yale University Press, 1988.

Anthony Reid, “Contests And Festivals In Seventeenth Century Aceh”, Bunga Rampai Temu Budaya Nusantara PKA-3 (Pekan Kebudayaan Aceh) (The Third Aceh Cultural Festival), (Ed.), H. Ismuha, (Ed.), Syiah Kuala University Press, Banda Aceh, 1989, (pgs. 9-33).

Anthony Reid, “The Islamization of Southeast Asia”, In Historia: Essays in Commemoration of the 25th Anniversary of the Department of History University of Malaya, (eds.) Muhammad Abu Bakar, Amarjit Kaur, Abdullah Zakaria Ghazali, Kuala Lumpur: The Malaysian Historical Society, 1984.

Anthony Reid, “The Structure of Cities in Southeas Asia, Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries”, JSAS (Journal of Southeast Asian Studies), Vol. XI, No. 2, September 1980.

Anthony Reid, The Blood of the People -Revolution and the End of Traditional Rule in Northern Sumatra, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1979.

           

Anthony Reid, “The Structure of Cities in Southeast Asia: 15^th-17^th Centuries,  (Ed.), ‘The Indian Ocean in Focus’ International Conference on Indian Ocean Studies, Section III The History of Commercial Exchange&Maritime Transport, Perth Western Australia, People Helping People, 1979.

Anthony Reid, “Trade and State Power in the 16th and 17th Century Southeast Asia”, Seventh IAHA Conference, 22-26 August 1977, Bangkok, Vol. I. Proceedings, (pgs. 391-421).

Anthony Reid&Shiraishi Saya. (1976). Rural Unrest in Sumatra 1942: A Japanese Report” Indonesia, No. 21 (April), Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, (pgs. 115-134).

Anthony Reid, “Habib Abdurrahman Az-Zahir: 1833-1896, Indonesia, No. 13 (April), Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, 1972. (syf. 37-61)

Anthony Reid. (1971). The Birth of the Republic in Sumatra”, Indonesia, No. 12 (October), Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, (pgs. 21-46).

Anthony Reid, The Contest For North Sumatra -Acheh, The Netherlands and Britain (1858-1898)-, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1969.

Anthony Reid, “Indonesian Diplomacy A Documentary Study of Atjehnese Foreign Policy in the Reign of Sultan Mahmud: 1870-4”, JMBRAS, Volume XLII, Part 2, December, 1969. (pgs. 74-115)

Anthony Reid, “Sixteenth Century Turkish Influence in Western Indonesia”,  JMBRAS, Vol. X, No. 3, December, 1969.

Anthony Reid, “Nineteenth Century Pan-Islam in Indonesia and Malaysia”, The Journal of Asian Studies, February 1967, 26, 2.

A. J.S. Reid. (1966). “A Russian in Kelandan?”, Peninjau Sejarah, Journal of the History Teachers’ Association of Malaya, Vol 1. No. 2, December, (pgs.: 42-47).